Revealed: The Truth About 14,000 Volunteer Prisoners of War Going to Taiwan in 1954揭秘：1954年14000名志愿军战俘去台湾真相
Many POWs still remember the madness of those men on April 7-8, 1952. Ran Hongtu said that during that night, as far as he knew, 99 people were killed and 300 had their flesh and hearts cut. In the end, the screening result obtained by the United States was that 14,000 prisoners of war claimed to go to Taiwan voluntarily.
Volunteer prisoners of war waving the blue sky and white sun flag and shouting "Back to Taiwan" (data map) 1
Volunteer prisoners of war waving the blue sky and white sun flag and shouting "Back to Taiwan" (data map)
At 9 a.m. on January 20, 1954, Ran Hongtu, a former prisoner of the 600th Regiment of the 200th Division of the 67th Volunteer Army, mixed with 14,220 prisoners of war waving the blue sky and white sun flag and shouting "Go back to Taiwan", and left the United Nations Army near Panmunjom, North Korea. POW camp.
The Taiwan delegation, carrying huge photos of Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek, greeted them and extended a warm welcome to the prisoners of war. According to sources, prisoners of war paid tribute to the photos of Sun and Jiang.
Escorted by the Eighth Army of the U.S. Army, 530 trucks transported the prisoners to Incheon. Here, they transferred to 15 U.S. transport ships to Taiwan, and the U.S. Seventh Fleet and the U.S. Air Force Fifth Army accompanied them for protection.
After drifting at sea for 88 hours, they arrived at their destination—Taiwan Keelung Port. Another 142 seriously injured and sick people were first sent directly to Taipei by military plane for treatment.
Careful people noticed that Jiang Jingguo, who was standing on the shore leading the welcome crowd, was wiping tears from his eyes. As the KMT's de facto director of military intelligence, he has completed a mission to affect the fate of Taiwan.
Equally excited was Chiang Kai-shek. On January 23, the 67-year-old man, who suffered from insomnia after being defeated in Taipei, slept peacefully for 9 hours after receiving reports that wounded and sick prisoners of war had arrived in Taiwan safely by military plane.
The next day, he wrote in his diary: "This is actually the most peaceful night of sleep this year." In his diary, Chiang Kai-shek called this event "a major victory in the spiritual struggle against Russia in the past five years."
turning point of fate
Chang Cheng, an expert on volunteer prisoners of war and a Ph. s crash.
On January 5, 1950, U.S. President Truman officially announced that the U.S. would adopt a policy of non-interference in the Chinese civil war and would not provide military aid or military advisors to Taiwan. On the same day, U.S. Secretary of State Acheson, who insisted that "Taiwan has never been of great strategic importance," emphasized that "the U.S. will continue to supply the fertilizers needed on the island of Taiwan and advance rural reconstruction projects, but...any further increase in military aid and military advisers are unnecessary."
After the Kuomintang regime lost the mainland, Taiwan became an abandoned child in the game between China and the United States, and is facing the desperate situation of collapse and being eliminated. Chiang Kai-shek even declared publicly in despair: "The representatives of our government will be expelled from the international community, and this has become a foregone conclusion."
On May 17, 1950, the US embassy's charge d'affaires, Shu'an, said, "Taiwan's fate is a foregone conclusion. The CCP will attack Taiwan from June 15 to July." Five days later, the U.S. government issued an evacuation order: "All Americans should evacuate Taiwan as soon as possible."
This follows Acheson's March 7 letter to Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson seeking to prevent the shipment of 25 M-4 Sherman tanks and 25 F-80 fighter jets to Taiwan, even though the Kuomintang had paid for them Yes, but—"This batch of equipment may fall into the hands of the Chinese Communists." No one doubts the speed at which the nascent red regime will attack Taiwan.
"Americans believe that Beijing will acquire Taiwan before the end of 1950, that Beijing will become the only government representing China, and that the United States will then recognize Beijing's CCP regime," said John W. Spanier, a professor at the University of Florida. The relationship between the United States and the Kuomintang Chiang Kai-shek for many years will also come to an end with Taiwan changing hands.
The Kuomintang regime, which is located in the southeast corner, seems to be precarious, and the fate of the instant collapse seems irreversible. However, on June 25, 1950, the Korean War broke out.
The desperate Chiang Kai-shek saw a glimmer of hope. The next day, Chiang Kai-shek expressed to MacArthur that he was willing to provide 33,000 soldiers to fight in South Korea.
The situation in the Far East changed suddenly. The US Far East strategy also changed accordingly. On June 27, U.S. President Truman stated that "the possible occupation of Taiwan by Communist forces will directly threaten the safety of the Pacific region and the safety of U.S. forces performing legitimate and necessary tasks in the region," and decided to send the Seventh Fleet across the Taiwan Strait.
Chiang Kai-shek sent Gu Weijun and He Shili to challenge MacArthur again and again. Soon, Chiang Kai-shek proposed that 15,000 volunteers could be sent to fight, and they would be completely under the command of MacArthur.
In the "1950.12.31 Diary", Chiang Kai-shek wrote: "God bestowed the Korean War, and we should thank God the most... for making the United States stand up to the Communists and not abandon the Far East, so as to divert the entire situation."
Although the direct dispatch of troops failed, Taiwan still provided the U.N. Army with urgently needed civilian personnel such as translators, Chinese teachers, and journalists. It was these hundreds of Kuomintang agents disguised as civilian employees who successfully instigated more than 14,000 volunteer prisoners of war while providing a large amount of information to Taiwan.
Instigate a hidden war
It was Lai Mingtang, Director of the Second Department of Taiwan's "Ministry of National Defense", who first proposed the idea of "instigating prisoners of war against the Communist Party to come to Taiwan". After the idea was put forward on July 7, 1951, Taiwan's "Ministry of National Defense" held a meeting of various departments and bureaus on August 9, 1951, and approved the plan.
Ran Hongtu didn't know that from that moment on, they were no longer ordinary prisoners of war who could be released home after the war. They had been placed on the chessboard of various political forces in the Far East and became crucial pieces. .
During the first armistice negotiations that began on July 11, 1951, North Korean representative Nam Il proposed the exchange of prisoners of war. On July 25, Taiwan's "Embassy in South Korea" sent back a secret telegram saying, "The captives collectively knelt down and begged for an interpreter."
Dr. Chang Cheng interviewed many prisoners of war on this matter, and what he learned was that the United States sent troops hastily at the beginning of the war, and was not mentally prepared to fight the Chinese army. Some Japanese and Koreans who had lived in China and could speak Chinese were recruited as translators, which caused serious communication barriers between Chinese prisoners of war and American and Korean soldiers.
This matter just became an opportunity for Taiwan to send a large number of spies to intervene in the Korean War process.
On November 6, Taiwan's "Embassy in South Korea" sent a confidential message to Taipei, confirming that Taiwanese agents had entered the prisoner-of-war camp at that time and passed information to the rear. The secret telegram relayed a report by an "interpreter", saying that in late September, 96 people including Zhang Sibo from the 72nd and 86th Wings of the Prisoner-of-War Camp on Geoje Island "automatically organized the Anti-Communist Anti-Russian League and requested to have the 'Anti-Communist Anti-Russian' four Character". Zhao Yingkui, a prisoner of war, recalled that before entering the prisoner-of-war camp on Jeju Island, among the more than 10,000 volunteer prisoners of war, a group of fake prisoners infiltrated from Taiwan had quietly mixed in. About 400 people were the son of Huang Baitao, the general who died in the Kuomintang army. Huang Xiaoxian was among them. They were quickly appointed as regimental captains, large captains, small captains, squad leaders and other titles, and became managers of prisoners of war.
Chang Cheng said that some former soldiers of the Kuomintang should be the first to change their positions. Taiwanese political workers explained the Three Principles of the People and anti-Soviet and anti-communist theories to the prisoners of war, while they connected and instigated them in private, using soft and hard tactics, and forcibly tattooed the words "Anti-Communist and Anti-Russia" on the chests and arms of prisoners who refused to change their positions.
"This is to cut off our way back to the country." Zhang Zeshi, a prisoner of war who returned to the mainland after the war, said. After being tattooed, many people despaired. After that, a group of CCP political cadres changed their positions. Moreover, this group of traitorous political cadres "worked harder than the Taiwanese" to instigate rebellion against prisoners of war. Chang Cheng analyzed that they are "incomparably familiar with the CCP's strict organization and military discipline." As the implementers of organizational discipline and policy preachers in the past, they are very clear about what will happen after returning to China with the tattoo of "anti-Communist and anti-Russian".
However, according to Article 118 of the Geneva Convention, "after the cessation of actual fighting, prisoners of war shall be released and repatriated without delay", and they should still be repatriated to mainland China eventually.
If the defectors want to change their destiny, they must coerce more people into a massive momentum and force the US to change its policy. For this reason, they did not hesitate to violently confront or even brutally kill comrades who insisted on refusing to be transformed.
In the spring of 1952, Zhao Yingkui witnessed with his own eyes that two prisoners of war who refused to accept tattoos were beaten to death with a nail drill used to fix the tent. Ran Hongtu said that some prisoners of war who refused to cooperate were "stuck with their mouths covered in the toilet and murdered" as soon as it got dark.
"The Spoiler"
Initially, the US government was not willing to send prisoners of war to Taiwan.
On August 27, 1951, Acheson stated that "the overriding consideration should be to bring back all UN and Korean prisoners as soon as possible. The interests of the United States require us to strictly abide by the Geneva Convention."
On November 15, the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff issued a directive to Ridgway, "In order to return all or as many United Nations and Korean prisoners of war as possible, or to avoid unacceptable delays, or to prevent the collapse of armistice negotiations, if necessary , you have the right to agree to a full exchange of prisoners of war."
At that time, the attitudes of China and the Soviet Union were clear and consistent. Mao Zedong called Stalin, "I oppose the exchange on the one-to-one basis. We suggest that the exchange be based on the principle of repatriation of all prisoners of war by both sides." Stalin replied: "Your position is completely correct, and it is difficult for the enemy to raise objections."
The positions of the negotiating parties are close, and it seems logical to repatriate prisoners of war in accordance with the Geneva Convention.
However, no one expected that little Taiwan would immediately become a "spoiler".
On December 18, 1951, Taiwan's "Minister of Foreign Affairs" Ye Gongchao said in a statement, "Many of the Chinese prisoners of war currently in the hands of the coalition forces in the Korean border have strongly expressed their unwillingness to return to the Iron Curtain... In the sense of freedom, the CCP and North Korean prisoners of war are forced to be sent to the hands of the Communist tyranny, which is neither democratic nor Christianity..."
Judging from the instruction issued by the US Joint Chiefs of Staff to Ridgway on January 15, 1952, the statement of the Taiwan authorities has undoubtedly influenced the attitude of the US government: "As a final position, you are authorized to agree to exchange all prisoners of war, but you cannot Forced return by force."
In the following months, the position of the US side vacillated between "voluntary repatriation" and "full repatriation".
On February 14, 1952, Admiral Joey, the chief negotiator of the United Nations Army, called the Joint Chiefs of Staff, saying, "Any unilateral screening by the United Nations Army in the hope of creating a fait accompli to solve the problem of forced repatriation will constitute a U.S. breach of trust, and will inevitably lead to retaliation by the communist party against our prisoners of war."
Ye Gongchao immediately notified the Associated Press on February 25, "The 'Republic of China' government will accept all surrendered 'captives' who voluntarily come to Taiwan to participate in anti-communist and anti-Russian work, and who have been verified by the Allied Forces to come to Taiwan."
On February 27, the Joint Chiefs of Staff called Ridgway again, expressing the "final and final position": the US government will not forcibly repatriate prisoners of war. On the same day, U.S. Ambassador to South Korea MUCCIO called and said, "We know that our military has brought in a lot of Chinese, and their teams are distributed among translators and civic education school personnel... I personally have a feeling that the Chinese have influenced Developments in Geoje Island and Panmunjom."
Robert Achinelli, a professor at the University of Toronto in Canada, pointed out that "despite the absolute reliance on Washington's support, the KMT government is far from being a submissive Cold War agent, and can have its own influence on the philosophy and operation of American politics."
"Switcher" Chiang Kai-shek
In the following two months, Taiwan continued to emphasize on various occasions that "prisoners of war who voluntarily come to Taiwan are acceptable."
In the past, China and the Soviet Union insisted on repatriating all prisoners of war in accordance with the Geneva Convention. Later, Taiwan continued to create pressure from public opinion. The US government, caught between the two positions, had to vacillate and debate repeatedly.
Acheson realized on February 8, 1951 that "the issue of prisoners of war will become the only unresolved issue in the armistice negotiations." The US government is eager to get rid of the burden of prisoners of war.
On the Chinese side, due to the gradual disappearance of the unexpected strategic advantage at the beginning of the war, China's position on the issue of prisoners of war was also loosened for a time. On April 17, 1951, the "Embassy" of Taiwan in South Korea reported: "Representatives of the Chinese Communist Party indicated that they can accept the repatriation of more than 80% of the captives."
So, on April 8, the United States began to re-investigate and screen the willingness of the prisoners in the prisoner-of-war camp on Geoje Island. The U.S. hopes that there will be no coercive will, and that the 80% figure can be successfully reached, so as to reach a negotiation agreement as soon as possible and end the war.
The day before the screening to determine the final fate of the prisoners of war began, Taiwanese agents and defectors also took active actions. Decades later, many prisoners of war still remember the madness of those men on April 7-8, 1952.
Ran Hongtu said that in that night, as far as he knew, 99 people were brutally killed, and 300 people had their flesh and hearts cut. In his book "Notes of Prisoners of War", Zhang Zeshi mentioned a prisoner of war named Li Daan. Wenhua's chest, the still beating heart on the dagger, went everywhere to intimidate the prisoners of war.
In the end, the screening result obtained by the US side was that 14,000 prisoners of war claimed to go to Taiwan voluntarily.
On May 7, 1952, Truman announced: "Forcibly repatriating prisoners is contrary to the basic moral and humanitarian principles of our operations in Korea. We will not place people in a situation where they will be slaughtered or enslaved in order to buy an armistice agreement." United States Thus ended the vacillating POW position.
China and the DPRK cannot accept this position of the US, and the Panmunjom armistice negotiations have reached a stalemate again. However, when the 180th Division of the Chinese Volunteer Army was hit hard in late May 1951, the situation changed.
"Taiwan, which did not directly participate in the war, effectively hijacked the agenda of the armistice negotiations." Dr. Chang Cheng believed that it was precisely because of the influence of Kuomintang agents among the nearly 21,000 Chinese prisoners of war that the three-year Korean War ended the last two years. The year has been dominated by political debate.
"If we regard the two superpowers and China as the locomotive driving the war, then Chiang Kai-shek is the switchman at the critical moment, effectively changing the course of the war and peace talks."
The biggest winner who never fought
When the division of North Korea into South Korea was a foregone conclusion, Kim Il-sung, who was eager to end the state of war, loosened his position first, and only China, supported by Stalin, insisted on repatriating prisoners of war in accordance with the Geneva Convention.
However, when Stalin passed away in 1953 and Khrushchev came to power, the Soviet Union no longer insisted on its previous position, which made it difficult for China to support itself.
On July 27, 1953, the "Korean War" armistice agreement was signed, confirming that prisoners of war would be repatriated on a voluntary basis. So far, the matter of volunteer prisoners of war going to Taiwan has finally been settled.
Since then, the Taiwan Kuomintang delegation has repeatedly mentioned the issue of prisoners of war going to Taiwan to the United Nations, in order to prove that "the Chinese will definitely reject communism as long as they have a choice", and further prove the legitimacy of their political views.
After the prisoners of war went to Taiwan to win the political initiative, the Taiwan authorities then signed the "Taipei Treaty" in 1952, formally returning Taiwan's sovereignty from Japan to China. In November 1952, after Eisenhower became the president of the United States, he adopted a more radical and tough Far East policy, and signed the "Sino-US Mutual Defense Treaty" with the Taiwan authorities in 1954, which marked Taiwan's re-incorporation into the US military alliance system. As a result, Taiwan has been guaranteed a living space for the next 20 years.
"Taiwan never participated in the war, but it became the biggest winner of the Korean War." Chang Cheng believes.
Chess pieces and discarded pieces
The Kuomintang regime in Taiwan got rid of the fate of abandoning its son. However, the Volunteer Army prisoners of war, the key pieces to help Taiwan complete the transformation of its destiny, became abandoned after realizing the value of use.
After the Ran Hongtus went ashore, they took 225 large military trucks and divided them into 5 detachments, led by a motorcycle team, accompanied by ambulances and communication vehicles. In addition, there was a radio vehicle arranged by the Kuomintang to play songs and distribute leaflets along the way. After the convoy arrived in Taipei, they marched along the main streets, and people set off firecrackers along the way, creating a festive atmosphere.
However, after the festive celebrations, Taiwan's promises such as "prisoners of war can freely choose occupations after going to Taiwan, and those who refuse to go to Taiwan can choose to go to a neutral country" have not been fulfilled.
The prisoners of war were handed over to a mentoring organization under the leadership of Chiang Ching-kuo. After being reviewed one by one, they were added to the grassroots of the Kuomintang army.
Ran Hongtu recalled that many people were actually unwilling to go to Taiwan. On the ship from South Korea to Taiwan, some comrades said: "I will die if I go to Taiwan, and I will die if I go back to the mainland with tattoos." "No Hearing advice, he jumped into the sea as soon as he lowered his head."
On August 28, 1958, the Kinmen artillery battle broke out. Ran Hongtu and other former volunteer prisoners of war also went to the front line, and some of them "brought the rifles and automatic rifles of the American devils, swam away with the guns, floated to Xiamen and escaped." Ran Hongtu also wanted to escape, but failed because the attempt was discovered early.
The frequent escape incidents made the Kuomintang authorities realize that most of these volunteer prisoners of war were still "people in Cao Ying and their hearts in Han", so they started a new political offensive against the prisoners of war. Ran Hongtu was once asked to join the Kuomintang, but he refused.
The concepts of "good guy", "bad guy" and "Chinese" have been entangled in Ran Hongtu's heart, and he can no longer give himself a definition. This veteran of many battles who was forcibly drafted into the army no longer cares about politics, but every year around the Ching Ming Festival, he always faces the sea.
"When I burn paper in Taiwan, I dream of my mother and my younger brother..."
"At that time, as soon as I lay down on the bed, my foot pulled the trigger and the gun was pressed against my chest. I told them many times that I didn't commit suicide, I could only shed tears at night. I said I still want to live, come back and see , I have an explanation to my family."
In the Spring Festival of 1942, he was tied up with a rope by the security chief and sent to the barracks. He couldn't help himself, and was involved in the turmoil of the times all his life. He never returned to his hometown for more than 60 years. He felt that he had never had the opportunity to choose his own life in this life. Peasants, Kuomintang army, People's Liberation Army, prisoners of war, Kuomintang army... It seems that the afternoon of arresting the strong man changed all his fate. He said he didn't know who to blame.
When he retired in 1975, he was in his fifties, still a private with the rank of sergeant, alone. There is no news of the baby mother he made at home, but he still thinks about the woman he has only seen once day and night, because after the death of his parents, this woman has become Ran Hongtu's most vivid image of his hometown.
At the end of 1987, the Taiwan authorities allowed Taiwan residents to visit relatives in the mainland. The 38-year isolation of compatriots on both sides of the strait was broken. However, Ran Hongtu was short of cash and had no support from relatives or friends, so he could only wash plastic bags to make money. He had no home, so he slept in the corner of the stairs at night.
Ran Hongtu finally returned to his hometown.
On March 29, 2008, he got off the plane in Chengdu and asked fellow villagers all the way: the persimmon and orange trees in front of the old house are delicious, are the trees still there? The fellow said that the orange tree is gone, but the persimmon and peach trees are still there. "As a result, I went to see it, and the persimmon tree was as old as me."
Ran Hongtu chose Yichang as his home in his later years. This is the place where he fought during the Anti-Japanese War.
Today, Ran Hongtu and his nephew's family raise more than a dozen cows and live in seclusion in a small mountain village. For him, this may be a kind of comfort. He no longer needs to explain his complicated identity to others, and he no longer needs to argue about the right and wrong of those years. He said, "In Yichang, if someone asks a question, they can simply answer that I beat Japanese devils here."
许多战俘仍记得那些人在1952年4月7日-8日间的疯狂。冉宏图说，那一夜之间，仅他所知就有99人惨遭杀害，有300被割肉挖心。最终美方得到的甄别结果是，14000名战俘声称自愿去台湾。
1954年1月20日，早晨9点，前志愿军67军200师600团战俘冉宏图，混杂在14220名挥舞着青天白日旗、高喊“回台湾”的战俘中，离开了朝鲜板门店附近的联合国军战俘营。
扛着孙中山、蒋介石巨幅照片的台湾代表团迎上来，向战俘们表示热烈欢迎。有资料说，战俘们纷纷向孙和蒋的照片致敬。
在美军陆军第八军的护送下，530辆卡车把战俘送到仁川。在这里，他们转乘15艘美军运输船去台湾，美第七舰队和美空军第五军则一路随行保护。
在海上漂泊了88个小时后，他们才到达目的地—台湾基隆港，另有142名重伤病员，已先由军机直接送往台北接受治疗。
细心的人们留意到，领着欢迎人群站在岸边的蒋经国，正在擦拭眼中的泪水。作为国民党事实上的军情系统主管，他完成了一项影响台湾命运的任务。
同样心情激动的还有蒋介石。1月23日，接到伤病战俘先期乘军机平安抵台的报告后，这位败退台北后，饱受失眠症困扰的67岁老人安睡了9小时。
第二天，他在日记中写道：“实为今年来最安眠之一夜也。”在日记中，蒋介石把此事称为“五年以来精神上对俄斗争之重大胜利。”
命运的转折时刻
志愿军战俘问题专家、美国芝加哥大学加州分校历史系博士常诚认为，若蒋介石在朝鲜战争中袖手旁观，那么正如他在北京及华盛顿的敌对者们所预料及希望的，台湾国民党政权很可能已在1950年代崩溃。
1950年1月5日，美国总统杜鲁门正式宣布，美国对中国内战采取不干涉政策，不会向台湾提供军事援助和军事顾问。同日，坚持认为“台湾从来不具有非常重要战略意义”的美国国务卿艾奇逊，强调“美国将会继续供应台湾岛上所需要的化肥，并推进农村重建项目，但是……任何进一步增加军事援助和军事顾问的方式，都是不必要的。”
国民党政权失去大陆后，台湾沦为中美博弈中的弃子，正面临崩溃出局的绝境。蒋介石甚至已绝望地公开声称：“我政府代表必将被驱逐于国际社会之外，此乃成为已定之局。”
1950年5月17日，美国大使馆代办师枢安称，“台湾的命运乃已定之局。中共将于6月15至7月间攻台”。5天后，美国政府发布撤侨令：“所有美国人应当尽快撤离台湾”。
这之前，艾奇逊在3月7日写信给国防部长路易斯约翰逊，试图阻止25辆M - 4谢尔曼坦克和25架F- 80战斗机运往台湾，尽管这批军火是国民党自己掏钱买的，但是—“这批装备可能落到中国共产党人的手中。”没有人怀疑新生的红色政权攻打台湾的速度。
“美国人相信北京会在1950年底以前取得台湾，北京将成为唯一代表中国的政府，美国随后将会承认北京的中共政权。”佛罗里达大学教授约翰W斯帕尼尔说。而美国与国民党蒋介石多年的关系，也将随着台湾易手画上句号。
偏居东南一隅的国民党政权看上去已朝不保夕，转瞬覆亡的命运似已不可逆转。然而，1950年6月25日，朝鲜战争爆发了。
绝望的蒋介石看到了一线希望。次日，蒋介石就向麦克阿瑟表示，愿意提供3.3万名军人赴南朝鲜作战。
远东局势骤变。美国的远东战略也随之转变。6月27日，美国总统杜鲁门表示，“共产党部队可能占领台湾，将直接威胁太平洋地区，以及在该地区执行合法而必要任务的美国部队的安全”，决定派遣第七舰队横亘于台湾海峡。
蒋介石又派顾维钧和何世礼，再三去向麦克阿瑟请战。不久，蒋介石又提出，可以派1.5万名志愿兵参战，并完全归麦克阿瑟指挥。
在“1950.12.31日记”中，蒋介石写道：“天赐韩战，最应感谢上帝，……使美国仗义抗共,不放弃远东,以转移整个局势也。”
虽然直接派兵最终未果，但台湾还是向联合国军提供了他们迫切需要的翻译、中文教师、记者等文职人员。正是这数百名伪装成文职人员的国民党特工，在向台湾提供大量情报的同时，成功策反了14000余名志愿军战俘。
策反暗战
最早提出“策反共产党战俘来台”设想的，是台湾“国防部”第二厅厅长赖名汤。1951年7月7日该设想提出后，台湾“国防部”于1951年8月9日召开了各厅局会议，认可了这一方案。
冉宏图们并不知道，从那一刻起，他们不再是打完仗就能被放回家的普通战俘，他们已经被摆上了远东各股政治势力博弈的棋盘，成为至关重要的棋子。
1951年7月11日开始的第一次停战谈判中，朝鲜代表南日就提出了交换战俘的要求。而7月25日，台湾驻韩“大使馆”则发回密电称，“匪俘集体跪求译员”。
常诚博士曾就此事访问多位战俘，所了解到的实际情形是：由于战争爆发之初美国也是仓促出兵，对与中国军队作战一事毫无心理准备，直到与志愿军交上了火，才临时找来一些曾在中国生活过、会讲中国话的日本人和韩国人充当翻译，这造成了中国战俘与美韩军人间严重的沟通障碍。
此事恰恰成为台湾派出大批特工介入朝鲜战争进程的契机。
11月6日，台湾驻韩“大使馆”发往台北的密电，证实台湾特工当时已进入战俘营，并向后方传递情报。该密电转述了“译员某”的报告称，九月下旬，巨济岛战俘营72、86联队张思波等96人“自动组织反共抗俄同盟会，并请求于臂上刺‘反共抗俄’四字”。战俘赵英魁回忆，在进入济州岛战俘营之前，总数一万多人的志愿军战俘中，已经悄悄混进了一批台湾渗透来的假俘虏，约400多人，国民党军战死将领黄百韬的儿子黄效先也在其中。他们很快被任命为联队长、大队长、小队长、班长等职衔，成了战俘管理者。
常诚说，最早转变立场的，应该是部分国民党旧军人。台湾政工人员给战俘们讲三民主义、反苏反共理论，他们则在私下串联、鼓动，软硬兼施，在不肯转变立场的战俘胸口、手臂等处强行刺上“反共抗俄”字样等等。
“这是要断我们回国的路。”战后回到大陆的战俘张泽石说。被刺字后，很多人就绝望了。这之后，一批中共政工干部转变了立场。而且，这批变节政工干部，策反战俘 “比台湾人更卖力”。常诚分析，他们“对中共严厉的组织、军事纪律熟稔无比”，作为以往组织纪律的执行者、政策的宣讲者，他们非常清楚，带着“反共抗俄”刺字回国后会有什么结局。
然而，按照日内瓦公约118条，“实际战事停止后，战俘应即予释放并遣返，不得迟延”，他们最终仍应被遣返中国大陆。
变节者们若想改变自己的命运，除非是能裹挟更多人造成浩大声势，迫使美方改变政策。为此，他们不惜对坚持拒绝转化的战友暴力相向，甚至残酷杀戮。
1952年春，赵英魁曾亲眼目睹，两名不肯接受刺字的战俘被人用固定帐蓬的钉钻子活活打死。冉宏图则说，有些拒绝合作的战俘，一到天黑就被人“嘴巴一捂塞到厕所里，下了毒手”。
“搅局者”
最初，美国政府并不愿意把战俘送往台湾。
1951年8月27日，艾奇逊称“压倒一切的考虑，应当是尽快地让所有联合国和韩国俘虏回来。美国的利益要求我们严格地遵守日内瓦公约。”
11月15日，美国参谋长联席会议向李奇微发出指令，“为了使得全部或者尽可能多的联合国与韩国战俘返回，或者为了避免不可接受的拖延，或者出于防止停战谈判的破裂，如果有必要，你有权同意全部交换战俘。”
当时，中苏的态度明确而一致。毛泽东致电斯大林，“反对按一对一的原则交换，我们建议按双方遣返全部战俘的原则交换。”斯大林回电：“您的立场完全正确，敌人很难提出异议”。
谈判双方立场接近，按照日内瓦公约遣返战俘，似乎顺理成章。
然而，谁也没有想到，小小的台湾随即成为“搅局者”。
1951年12月18日，台湾“外交部长”叶公超发表谈话称，“目前在韩境联军所掌握之中国战俘，已有多人强烈表示不愿回到铁幕之中…… 将此辈刚领悟自由意义之中共及北韩战俘强迫遣送至共产暴政巨掌之下，既不民主，复背基督教义……”
从1952年1月15日美国参联会重新发给李奇微的指令来看，台湾当局的表态，无疑已影响了美国政府的态度：“作为最后的立场，你获得授权同意全部交换战俘，但是不能使用武力强制遣返。”
此后数月内，美方立场在“自愿遣返”和“全部遣返”间摇摆不定。
1952年2月14日，联合国军首席谈判代表乔伊海军上将致电参联会称，“联合国军的任何单边的甄别、以期制造既成事实来解决强制遣返问题的做法，都将构成美国方面的背信行为，而且必然会引发共方对我方战俘的报复。”
叶公超随即于2月25日通知美联社，“‘中华民国政府’对凡自愿来台参加反共抗俄工作，并经盟军考察属实之投诚‘匪俘’，均可接收来台。”
2月27日，参联会又致电李奇微，表达了“最后的最后立场”：美国政府不会强制遣返战俘。同日，美国驻韩大使MUCCIO致电称，“我们知道我们的军方带来了很多的中国人，他们的团队分布在翻译和公民教育学校人员中……我个人有个感觉：中国人已经影响了巨济岛和板门店的事态发展。”
加拿大多伦多大学教授罗伯特阿奇奈利指出，“尽管对华盛顿的支持绝对依赖，但国民党政府远不是顺从的冷战代理人，并且对美国政治的理念和运作都能产生自己的影响。”
“扳道工”蒋介石
此后两月内，台湾仍不断在各种场合强调：“可接受自愿来台的战俘”。
前有中苏强硬要求按日内瓦公约遣返全部战俘，后有台湾不断制造舆论压力，夹缝中的美国政府，只得在两种立场间不断摇摆、反复辩论。
艾奇逊在1951年2月8日意识到，“战俘问题将成停战谈判唯一悬而未决问题”。美国政府急于甩脱战俘包袱。
中国方面，由于战争初期出奇不意的战略优势渐渐消失，在战俘问题立场上也一度有所松动。1951年4月17日，台湾驻韩“大使馆”报告：“中共代表暗示能接受遣返俘虏80%以上。”
于是，美方于4月8日开始在巨济岛战俘营中重新调查、甄别俘虏意愿。美方希望既无强迫意愿、又能顺利达成80%之数，从而尽早达成谈判协议、结束战争。
这次决定战俘们最终命运的甄别开始前一天，台湾特工和变节者也积极行动起来了。几十年后，许多战俘仍记得那些人在1952年4月7日-8日间的疯狂。
冉宏图说，那一夜之间，仅他所知就有99人惨遭杀害，有300被割肉挖心。张泽石在其《战俘手记》一书中，提到了一个叫李大安的战俘，此人带着一批台湾特务、变节分子“疯狂残杀”，李大安用匕首亲手剖开了同袍林学逋、阳文华的胸膛，把尚在跳动的心脏挑在匕首上，到处去恐吓战俘。
最终美方得到的甄别结果是，14000名战俘声称自愿去台湾。
1952年5月7日，杜鲁门宣布：“强制遣俘与我们在韩国行动的基本道义和人道原则相背。我们不会为了买一个停战协定，而置人于被屠宰或者奴役的境地。” 美国摇摆不定的战俘立场由此终结。
中朝方面不能接受美方这一立场，板门店停战谈判再次陷入僵局。然而，当1951年5月下旬，中国志愿军180师受到重创后，形势发生了变化。
“并未直接参战的台湾，却在暗中有效地绑架了停战谈判议程。”常诚博士认为，正是由于国民党特务在近21000名中国战俘中产生的影响，为期三年的朝鲜战争，后两年一直受政治争论所左右。
“如果我们把两个超级大国和中国看作是驱动战争的火车头，那么蒋介石就是关键时刻的扳道工，有效地改变了战争与和谈的进程。”
不曾参战的最大赢家
当朝鲜南北分治已成定局，首先是急于结束战争状态的金日成立场松动，只剩有斯大林支持的中方坚持按日内瓦公约遣返战俘。
然而，当1953年斯大林去世，赫鲁晓夫上台，苏联方面不再坚持此前的立场，使得中方孤掌难鸣。
1953年7月27日，“朝鲜战争”停战协议签字，确定战俘按照自愿原则遣返。至此，志愿军战俘去台一事最终尘埃落定。
此后，台湾国民党代表团屡屡向联合国提及战俘赴台一事，以此证明“中国人只要有选择就一定会拒绝共产主义”，进而证明其政治主张的正当性。
战俘赴台一事赢得政治主动后，台湾当局进而于1952年签署《台北条约》，正式从日本手中将台湾主权收归中国。1952年11月，艾森豪威尔任美国总统后，采取了更为激进、强硬的远东政策，与台湾当局于1954年签署了《中美共同防御条约》，这标志着台湾重新被纳入美国军事同盟体系，台湾也因此得到了此后20多年的生存空间保证。
“台湾不曾参战，却因此成为朝鲜战争的最大赢家。”常诚认为。
棋子与弃子
台湾国民党政权摆脱了弃子的命运。而志愿军战俘，协助台湾完成命运转变的关键棋子，却在实现利用价值后成了弃子。
冉宏图们上岸后，又分乘225辆军用大卡车，分成5个支队，由摩托车队前导，救护车、通讯车随行，另外还有国民党安排的广播车沿途播放歌曲散发传单。车队到达台北后，沿主要街道行进，沿途不断有人燃放鞭炮，一派喜庆气氛。
然而喜庆过后，台湾方面“战俘去台湾后可以自由选择职业、不肯去台湾的，可以选择前往中立国”等承诺，并没有兑现。
战俘们被交由蒋经国领导下的一个辅导组织负责，逐个审查后，补入国民党军基层。
冉宏图回忆，其实许多人内心并不愿意去台湾，在从韩国到台湾的船上，就有战友说：“我去到台湾也是死，我刺了一身字回到大陆去也是死。”“不听劝，他头一低就跳海了。”
1958年8月28日，金门炮战爆发。冉宏图等前志愿军战俘也上了前线，有的就“带着美国鬼子的步枪、自动步枪，连枪浮水游走，浮到厦门跑掉了”。冉宏图也想逃跑，但由于企图早被发现而未果。
频繁出现的逃跑事件，使国民党当局意识到，这批志愿军战俘大部分还是“人在曹营心在汉”，于是又针对战俘开始了新的政治攻势。冉宏图就曾被要求参加国民党，但他拒绝了。
“好人”、“坏人”、“中国人”，这些概念一直在冉宏图内心纠缠，他再也无法给自己下一个定义。这个被强抽壮丁入伍的百战老兵，此后再不关心政治，只是每年清明节前后，他总要面对着大海。
“在台湾烧纸，晚上做梦都想到母亲，想到弟弟……”
“那个时候往床上一躺，脚就把扳机扳着，枪抵着胸口。我跟他们讲了好多次，我都没有自杀，只能够晚上掉眼泪。我说我还要活下来，回来看一下，对家里有一个交待。”
1942年春节，他被保长一根绳索捆着送进军营，就此身不由己，卷入时代风浪一生流离辗转，60多年再没回过故乡。他觉得自己这辈子从来没有机会选择自己的人生。农民、国民党军、解放军、战俘、国民党军……似乎就是抓壮丁的那一个下午，就改变了他所有的命运。他说，他不知道应该怨谁。
1975年退役的时候，他已经五十开外，仍然是个军衔中士的小兵，孤身一人。他在家订下的那个娃娃亲，早已经杳无音信，可是他依然日思夜想着那个他只见过一面的女人，因为父母死后，这个女人成了冉宏图对家乡最真切的具象。
1987年底，台湾当局开放台湾居民赴大陆探亲。长达38年的两岸同胞隔绝状态打破了。然而冉宏图囊中羞涩，也没有亲人和朋友资助，只能去洗胶袋赚钱，他没有家，晚上就睡在楼梯的角落里。
冉宏图终究还是回到了故乡。
2008年3月29日，他在成都下机，一路问老乡：老屋门口的柿子树和橙子树相当好吃，树还在不在？老乡说橙子树不在了，柿子树和桃子树还在。“结果我去看，那个柿子树和我一样，也已经老了。”
冉宏图把暮年的归宿选在宜昌，这是当年抗日时他打过仗的地方。
如今，冉宏图和侄子一家养了十几头奶牛，在一个很僻静的小山村里深居简出。对他来说，这或许是种慰籍，不用再向别人解释自己复杂的身份，也不用再争辩那段岁月的是是非非。他说，“在宜昌，如果有人问起来，还可以简单回答说当年我在这儿打过日本鬼子。”
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