Beijing Middle School from 1964 to 1966山雨欲来风满楼——1964~1966年的北京中学
Mountains and rains are about to come and winds fill buildings——Beijing Middle School from 1964 to 1966
Beginning in the fall of 1964, conflicts between the two factions of students in the High School Attached to Tsinghua University began to surface. From then on, the two factions fought for four or five years, until they left the school in 1969, went to the society, and went their separate ways. Zheng Guangzhao (Zheng Yi, author of the novel "Old Well"), a senior high school student at the High School Attached to Tsinghua University at the time, recalled these two scenes:
On the Badaling Great Wall, two students in our class who had a good personal relationship but were divided into two factions were about to break up. Yuan Dongping (the son of Yuan Shengping, the political commissar of the Jinan Military Region at the time) looked around the vast and magnificent scenery of the northern country, and said heartily: "In the future, you will build this country for us!" , one of the reactionary students) glanced at him puzzled. Yuan Dongping patted his old classmate on the shoulder generously, and made his words more clear: "The centrists have no great prospects. You are in Jinggangshan, but you are generally born in intellectuals and civilian families. You are too far away from power. And we" veterans 'We are very close to power, and we have a natural relationship with power. So it can only be like this: let us take power, and you come to build us well!...Don't be convinced, old sheep, if you don't believe me, let's see in 20 years! "
In our classroom, Zhang Ming, one of the founders of the Red Guards, came to me specifically and delivered a very formal farewell speech. This may be the only conversation between us since "Red August" (1966): "You are Land rich against bad bourgeoisie, we are workers, peasants and cadres. See you in 20 years!" Then he walked out of the classroom unswervingly.
—— Zheng Yi "The High School Affiliated to Tsinghua University, the Red Guards and Me"
Reading Zheng Guangzhao's memories, as a person who has experienced and witnessed it, I am not surprised at all. In fact, as early as the beginning of 1967, such a "joke" was widely circulated among middle school students at that time: Jiang Qing angrily denounced the "linkage" of the Central Cultural Revolution Group who opposed it, saying: "Children of the Eight Banners, what a god." "Linkage" replied Said: "Aunt Jiang, let's meet in 20 years."
In fact, in 1964, some cadres' children in Beijing's No. 4, No. 6 and No. 8 Middle Schools became dissatisfied with the work of the school's party organization and wrote to the central government to complain. This was called the "468 student movement." At the same time, some students from the High School Attached to Tsinghua University posted big-character posters to the school leaders, and a "big discussion" was formed. Looking back at the history of the struggle between the two factions of middle school students can bring us some inspiration and thinking, which will help us understand and evaluate the Cultural Revolution.
1. The "power seizure" struggle in Beijing No. 6 Middle School
At the beginning of 1964, the Youth League branch of Beijing No. 6 Middle School Senior Three (1) class wrote a letter to the League Central Committee, reflecting the problems existing in the No. 6 Middle School leadership team and the school Youth League Committee. The problems reflected mainly include:
(1) The development of league members violates the class line. There are very strict requirements for the children of revolutionary cadres to apply for joining the group. Some people cannot join the group because of some minor shortcomings, or it takes a long time to get approved. For some students with bad family backgrounds, the school youth league committee took the initiative to propose development. Some league members with bad family backgrounds and poor performance have not been dealt with for a long time.
(2) Zhang XX, a member of class (1) in the third year of high school, was born as a capitalist. I have many problems in ideology, politics and discipline. The Youth League Branch of Class Three (1) in senior high school discussed and approved the expulsion of his membership, which was supported by a party member and vice principal.
(3) There is a problem with the standard of "good students". In the eyes of many teachers, a good student is one who is good at homework, obeys the rules, is obedient, polite, and does not raise opinions. Many of these students come from poor family backgrounds, are not motivated in political thinking, and are even very backward. On the contrary, some students who are politically motivated, dare to raise opinions, dare to express different views, but their homework is poor, sometimes they are not very disciplined, and sometimes they are not very polite. The teacher does not like these students and thinks they are not "good students".
(4) Some students reported that leading cadres did not trust each other. There was mutual distrust between the party branch secretary, the youth league committee secretary, and a party member vice-principal.
At the same time, the children of cadres and workers in Class 2 (4) of senior high school spontaneously organized activity groups marked by "birth".
In June 1964, the staff of the education group of the State Council Office of Culture and Education went to the Sixth Middle School to conduct investigations on issues related to students' political and ideological education and the work of the Communist Youth League. On July 1, he wrote "Survey on Political, Ideological Education and Youth League Work in Beijing No. 6 Middle School", pointing out some problems in the work of No. 6 Middle School. Not long after, this investigation report was published in the "Propaganda and Education News" sponsored by the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, and was forwarded by the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League to the Youth League committees of all provinces, cities, and autonomous regions. On July 24, 1964, the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued a comment on this investigation report, pointing out that if the Youth League continues to develop like this, it will be very dangerous. Khrushchev Jr. already has and is seizing the regiment's grassroots leadership. We cannot turn a blind eye to this, otherwise class struggle will become empty talk.
On August 29, the party branch secretary of the Beijing No. 6 Middle School talked to members of the education group of the State Council’s Culture and Education Office. Apart from explaining some issues, he basically denied the issues raised in the investigation materials; he criticized the Central Propaganda Department: “Just listen to reports or read According to the materials, the problems of the No. 6 Middle School will be reported to the whole country, which is not seeking truth from facts.”
Since then, the Beijing Youth League Committee, the Beijing Municipal Committee, the Culture and Education Office of the State Council, the Ministry of Education, the Youth League Central Committee, the Xicheng District Committee, and the Xicheng Youth League Committee have successively organized two investigation teams to conduct two rounds of investigations on the No. 6 Middle School. Both rounds of investigations have written "Investigation Reports". Both reports pointed out that there are indeed serious problems in the work of the Sixth Central Committee, but they did not completely negate the Party branch of the Sixth Central Committee.
At the same time, the students also divided into two factions, and a heated debate began. One side of the debate is the children of cadres. They believe that the party branch of the Sixth Middle School and the school youth league committee have made mistakes on the issue of class line and failed to solve the problem of "whom to rely on? Whom to unite with?". On the other side are students from other families, who believe that the Youth League Committee of the Sixth Middle School has implemented the Party's class line well, and that it has elements but not only elements, and focuses on performance.
On October 28, after reading the investigation report, Kang Sheng gave severe criticism and instructed: "The briefing of the joint investigation team on October 26 revealed many serious facts, proving what the Youth League Committee and XXX (Secretary of the Party Branch of the Sixth Central Committee) and others said. It is false. However, the investigation team’s views on those serious problems only use a few “insufficient” to estimate the school’s leadership. The facts contradict the estimation of the school’s leadership. Why is this? Have concerns?"
The Secretariat of the League Central Committee discussed Kang Sheng's instructions and agreed with Kang Sheng's criticism.
From October to November, the Beijing Municipal Committee and the Beijing Youth League Committee conducted another round of in-depth investigations on the Sixth Middle School, and wrote "The Situation of the Sixth Middle School (Part 1 to Part 7)".
On November 18, 1964, led by the secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League, a working team composed of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League, the Education Group of the State Council Cultural and Educational Office, the Ministry of Education and other units officially entered the No. 6 Middle School. After the working group entered the school, it mobilized the teachers and students to uncover the class struggle. From December 28 to 30, 1964, three teacher-student conferences were held in a row to systematically expose and criticize the mistakes of the so-called "anti-Party group" composed of the principal and deputy secretaries of the party branch, "peeling off the XX Group's painting skin." On April 7, 1965, the "struggle to seize power" came to an end temporarily, and the Party branch secretary, deputy secretary, and Youth League secretary of the Sixth Central Committee were all identified as "the party in power taking the capitalist road."
On August 16, 1965, the leading group of the Sixth Central Committee's "Four Cleanups" movement stated in the "Report on the Pilot Project of the Sixth Central Four Cleanups Movement in Beijing": "During the movement, we followed the spirit of the 'Twenty-Three Articles' and insisted on class Struggle is the key link, with the struggle between the two roads of socialism and capitalism as the key link, grasping the major issues of right and wrong, emphasizing on solving the core issues of leadership, and organizing the masses to study the party's educational policy and Chairman Mao's instructions on education. The development of the movement is healthy , the results are notable....The main gains are: the serious problems in the leadership core of the school have been cleared up, and a new leadership core has been established.”
2. Students of Beijing No. 4 Middle School wrote letters to the Central Committee
On December 20, 1964, Yang Dongsheng (Yang Chengwuzi), Song Yangzhi (father Song Zhiguang was the deputy director of the Western European Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs), Su Chengde (Su Zhenhuazi), Qian Lejun, Li Andong, Song Kehuang (Song Renqiong) from Beijing No. 4 Middle School Son) and other six high-ranking officials. Write a letter to the central government to sue the leaders of the Fourth Lieutenant Colonel. One copy was handed over to Lu Dingyi, the head of the Central Propaganda Department, through Lu Jianjian (later renamed Lu Jian), the son of Lu Dingyi, the head of the Central Propaganda Department, and the other was handed over to Fu Yang, the son of Peng Zhen, the secretary of the Central Secretariat and the first secretary of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee. Peng Zhen.
The main contents of this letter include:
1. Led by Dean Qu Datong and Vice-Principal Liu Tieling, the school’s party-leaving students have formed a powerful faction that controls the school’s leadership. Including the secretary of the Youth League Committee, the leader of the political teaching and research team, the person in charge of the administration, the head teacher of the second year of high school, etc. These people are not of good origin. Everything is decided by them, and they have the final say. Exclude party members and cadres with better backgrounds, and reuse teachers with poor backgrounds.
2. Failure to implement the Party's class line among students. The cadres of the student union are all from bad backgrounds. Some people insulted Li Xinwei (the son of Li Jingquan) in various ways (Li said, "If I am in power, I will kill members like you first."). On the issue of developing members, a large number of students with very bad backgrounds were developed to join the group. However, Xiao Yun (Xiao Hua's son) was not discussed until two years after filling out the application form for joining the group.
3. There are many reactionary ideas among the students, but the school ignores them and covers them up. However, a high-pressure policy is adopted for students with better backgrounds.
4. Some teachers have serious problems. Such as supporting the children of the bourgeoisie to serve as monitors and student cadres. The party branch does not allow class struggle, and also decides: it is not allowed to speak out loudly, and it is not allowed to post big-character posters.
In the end, the letter writer hoped that the superiors would send a working group to the Fourth Middle School to thoroughly understand the problems in the Fourth Middle School.
The Central Propaganda Department published this letter in Issue 114 of the Central Propaganda Department's "Mission and Education Trends" on December 25. On December 28, a working group led by Zhang Wensong, secretary of the Beijing Education Work Committee, and Li Chen, director of the Beijing Education Bureau, entered the No. 4 Middle School. Later, Li Chen said in his book "A Review of Several Issues in Primary and Secondary Education in Beijing" officially published in 2001: "On December 20, 1964, six students including Yang XX of Beijing No. 4 High School wrote to the head of the Central Propaganda Department. Lu Dingyi exposed some serious problems such as rejection of party members and cadres with better backgrounds by the powerful factions in power at the No. 4 Middle School in Beijing, and failure to implement the party’s class line among students. On the 21st, Lu Dingyi approved this letter to Peng Zhen, the Beijing Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China. , Wanli... At this time, among the students of No. 4 Middle and High School, strikes, strikes, seizure of power, and criticism of some students and teachers are brewing. Some teachers and students have already been criticized. Under this revolutionary situation, the Beijing Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China hastily formed On December 28, 1964, the Socialist Education Task Force led by Zhang Wensong, Minister of Education of the CPC Beijing Municipal Committee, and Li Chen, Director of the Beijing Municipal Bureau of Education entered the No. 4 Middle School." The working group also included Wang Jiamiao, Hou Weicheng, and Yang Bin , Liu Yan, etc.
Before the working group entered the school, Peng Zhen, the first secretary of the Beijing Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China, instructed the working group to adopt a basic attitude of not being framed, not setting the tone, seeking truth from facts, and solving any problems as they arise; combining sports and teaching.
Wan Li, deputy mayor of Beijing, has directly intervened in the "social education" of the Fourth Middle School twice. At the end of December 1964, Wan Li received dozens of high-ranking officials from the No. 4 Middle School in the building of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee. During the interview, Wan Li criticized them at the meeting as "children fooling around" and "don't want the party's leadership and engage in non-organizational activities." In response to their complaints that the leaders of the Fourth Middle School trained students to take the road of professionalism, Wan Li said: "You say that the red is divided into two parts. It’s better than white five points, I think it’s better than white five points.” Wan Li pointed to Su Chengde and said, “You should study hard now, and I will talk to your father.”
On January 14, 1965, Wanli convened the children of senior cadres from the No. 4 Middle School, the No. 6 Middle School, the No. 8 Middle School, the Girls' Middle School Attached to the Normal University, the No. 1 Girls' Middle School, and the No. 3 Girls' Middle School to "speak" to them. The Secretary of the General Branch and the Secretary of the Youth League Committee participated. Wan Li spoke for three hours at the meeting, pouring cold water on student movements in several middle schools. Wan Li criticized the children of high-ranking cadres as "arrogant, self-righteous, free and loose, liberal, and do not listen to the party." He emphasized: "This movement must be led by the party... Without the leadership of the party, wouldn't it be Hong Xiuquan and Li Zicheng?" He said: " The main task of the students is to study, and the school must have a normal order and not mess around."
On August 4, 1965, seven months after the work team entered the Fourth Middle School, Li Chen pointed out in a speech at the Party Branch of the Fourth Middle School: "The Fourth Middle School is not bad, the results are the main thing, and it is taking the socialist road." On August 10, the work team wrote the "Report on the Fourth Central and Four Clean-up Movement in Beijing" to the Beijing Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China. The "Report" pointed out: The Fourth Middle School is advancing along the road of socialism, and the leading cadres of the school are working hard to implement the party's education policy, and the achievements are the main ones. However, the shortcomings and errors are quite serious. The main problems are: (1) The political and ideological work is relatively weak; (2) The leadership of the teaching work has been relaxed; (3) The party’s policy of unity, education, and transformation of intellectuals has not been well implemented in the work; (4) The phenomenon of the party regardless of the party is relatively serious, and the education within the party is very poor.
There are several typical events before and after the social education movement in No. 4 Middle School:
1. Li Xinwei is a student in Class 2 (Class 3) of senior high school. His behavior is average. Sometimes he is ridiculed by his classmates. Some classmates touch his head and make fun of him. He never joined the group. The league branches of several other classes in the third year of high school held a joint branch meeting to develop Li Xinwei into a league member across classes. Afterwards, the League branch of the two groups will go through the formalities and ratify it.
2. Carry out "power grab". In 1964, there were three classes in the third year of senior high school, and the class leaders and league party secretary who were not the children of cadres were suddenly replaced and replaced by children of cadres, a "small coup".
3. Students fight against students. Under the organization of the working group, Bi Xiangming, who was in Class 3 (4) of senior high school, was designated as a "reactionary student" and criticized and even "extorted confessions". Finally, he was disqualified from taking the college entrance examination and sent to Tuanhe Farm for reeducation through labor. In addition, Lu Shengwei from Class Three (4), Mou Zhijing from Class Two (2), and Zhou Xiaozheng from Class Two (5) were all regarded as "models of bourgeois tendencies" and were besieged by their classmates in their own classes. and criticism.
3. The struggle between the two factions in the High School Affiliated to Tsinghua University
Coincidentally, in November 1964, there was also a big discussion about the "class line" in the High School Attached to Tsinghua University. Some students put up big-character posters for the school leaders. The cause of the incident was that a cadre's son (Xiong Xianghui's son Xiong Gang) had an argument with a non-cadre's son when they were eating in the cafeteria. The school leaders dealt with the matter in a timely manner, but some non-cadre children were dissatisfied with the school's handling, thinking that the school favored the cadre children and dealt with it unfairly. Although this matter was finally suppressed by the school leaders, it also left deep scars between the children of cadres and the children of non-cadres. The conflicts rose and fell from time to time, and the conflicts were once very intense. This kind of conflict continued until 1969 when everyone went to society separately.
Tsinghua High School is a new school established in 1960. Although a new school, it is ambitious in terms of educational reform. Under the guidance of Jiang Nanxiang, the president of Tsinghua University, and the efforts of the young educator Wan Bangru, the school has been among the top schools in Beijing within a few years of its establishment. Tsinghua High School has a very clear idea of running a school, which is to cultivate top-notch and pillar talents for socialist construction, especially outstanding talents in science and engineering. By 1964, the High School Affiliated to Tsinghua University had gathered a group of outstanding students among their peers. Among them, there are very few children of workers and peasants, mainly from two types of families, one is the children of cadres, and the other is the children of senior intellectuals. As a result, fierce competition, friction and conflict occurred between these two groups of elite talents.
Therefore, the school leaders headed by President Wan Bangru faced a very difficult dilemma: on the one hand, they had to implement the "class line", maintain the "red gene" of the "successors", and take proper care of the children of cadres; On the other hand, it is necessary to protect and support outstanding students among the children of intellectuals and create a better environment for their growth. In other words, there are some contradictions between the two goals of "implementing the class line" and "cultivating outstanding scientific and technological talents". The situation of school leaders is indeed very embarrassing.
Before June 1966, the main battlefield of the confrontation between the two factions was the development of members of the regiment. The children of cadres emphasize that the development of league members depends on "birth", while the children of Gaozhi emphasize that the development of league members depends on "performance." Some students with good backgrounds but not good performance will be blocked by Kochi children when they join the group. Sometimes, fierce confrontation occurred in the member development meeting, and finally had to be voted on. For example, when Wang Ming (later one of the main founders of the Red Guards), a cadre from Class 631 of High School, joined the group, he faced fierce competition between the two factions.
The struggle between the two factions in Tsinghua High School is very special and dramatic. The division between the two factions at the time was not left or right. In 1964, the central government organized a criticism of the films "North Country, Jiangnan" and "Early Spring and February". struggle. Around the comments on these two films, there was a big debate between the children of cadres and the children of Gaozhi. Interestingly, the children of cadres are on the side defending the "theory of human nature," while the children of Gaozhi are on the side of criticizing the "theory of human nature." The result of this debate is to deepen the rift between the two factions.
In November 1964, the Ministry of Education forwarded the Minutes of the Conversation between Chairman Mao and Mao Yuanxin within the education system. Tsinghua University conveyed the minutes of the conversation to the cadres, and the Party Branch of the High School Affiliated to Tsinghua University conveyed the minutes of the conversation to the children of some cadres. In 1965, the children of cadres obtained the content of the conversation between Mao Zedong and Wang Hairong on education in 1965 from different channels. These two conversations of Mao Zedong aroused the dissatisfaction of the children of cadres with the party branch of the attached middle school.
In the spring of 1966, the children of cadres first started to connect across classes, initially forming a "small group" dominated by the children of cadres. The High School Attached to Tsinghua University was next to the Yuanmingyuan, which was very desolate at that time. Therefore, the Old Summer Palace became a place for these cadres and children to connect, exchange information, and exchange ideas.
The spearhead of this informal small group consisting mainly of the children of cadres was pointed at the school party branch headed by Wan Bangru. Favoring those "white college" students with bad backgrounds deviates from the party's educational line.
One of the landmark events was that on October 28, 1965, Luo Xiaohai, a student in pre-class 651, posted a small-character poster titled "Long Live the Rebel Spirit" on the bulletin board. It reads: "Rebellion, the rebellion of old things, is the great driving force of history....Take our students as an example, no matter the education system, learning methods, discipline rules, heaven and earth, all have old things hidden, treat them, There is only one spirit: rebellion!... Given the current teaching discipline that restricts learning, there is a great need for rebellion. When the revolutionaries shouted 'rebel!', the royalists hurriedly unfurled the banner of peace and shouted 'obey "Normal order"....There are many idols of monks...There are more idols of royalist 'comrades' than monks, what about 'books', what about 'school rules'."
The second landmark event was on May 10, 1966, when Luo Xiaohai wrote an article criticizing the leaders of the High School Attached to the High School. The title was "How our school treats Mao Zedong Thought from our school's attitude towards the Cultural Revolution." The article accused the school of not taking Chairman Mao's book as the highest instruction, but taking what Tsinghua University said, what "Beijing Daily" and "Frontline" magazine said as the highest instruction.
The third landmark event is that on May 20, 1966, Wang Ming and Zhang Xiaobin wrote the article "The Bourgeois School-Running Direction of the Party Branch of the High School Affiliated to Tsinghua University Should be Thoroughly Criticized." This is five days earlier than the "National First Marxist-Leninist Big-Character Poster" posted by Nie Yuanzi and others on May 25.
Finally, at the end of May 1966, the Red Guards, the organization that would become world famous, was formally established. "Red Guard" (one said it was "Red Guard") was originally the pseudonym used by Zhang Chengzhi in the pre-651 class to write big-character posters. After the establishment of the "Red Guards" organization, it became the common signature of the organization's big-character posters.
What is dramatic is that at this time, the students of Gaozhi stood on the standpoint of defending and defending the party branch of the school, defending the party branch. During the ten days from the end of May to June 8, 1966, when the work team entered the school to support the "Red Guards" who were mainly children of cadres, the "rebels" who were children of cadres fought fiercely against the "royalists" who were children of Kochi. On June 8, about 300 cadres and children from No. 4 Middle School, No. 13 Middle School, and the High School Affiliated to Renmin University of China rode bicycles to the Tsinghua High School in the suburbs to support the Tsinghua "Red Guards." Hours, the two sides confronted each other for ten hours. The leaders of the attached high school have mobilized the Tsinghua University guard team and the plainclothes team of the Haidian Sub-bureau, and are ready to use force to drive them away. As a result, the work team entered the school that night and clearly expressed their support for the Red Guards. The children of cadres who supported the Red Guards from other schools were eventually sent to the attached high school campus.
Thanks to the support of the working group, the "Red Guards" ushered in their first major victory. Shortly after entering the school, the working group wrote to its superiors in a report: “When the working group entered the school, the rightists were arrogant and the leftists were lonely. There were only 101 leftist students, accounting for 8% of the total number of students; 1.7% of the workforce."
During the Cultural Revolution, the High School Attached to Tsinghua University had special significance. A symbolic event is that the school was the birthplace of the "Red Guards" organization, and another symbolic event was that Luo Xiaohai, Class 651 of the school's high school (senior year, entered the school in 1964), wrote a big-character poster on June 24. Long Live the Revolutionary and Rebellious Spirit", wrote the big-character poster "Re-discussion" on July 4, and wrote the big-character poster "Three Comments" on July 27. All three articles were signed "Tsinghua High School Red Guards". The first two of them were forwarded by Jiang Qing to Chairman Mao. On August 1, Chairman Mao wrote to the Red Guards of the High School Attached to Tsinghua University to express his support. The letter said:
Comrades from the Red Guards of the High School Affiliated to Tsinghua University:
I have received the two big-character posters you sent me on July 28 and the letter you sent me asking for an answer. In your two big-character posters of June 24 and July 4, you express your gratitude to all the landlord class, bourgeoisie, imperialism, revisionism and their lackeys who exploit and oppress workers, peasants, revolutionary intellectuals and revolutionary parties. Anger and denunciation show that the rebellion against the reactionaries is justified, and I express my warm support to you. At the same time, I explained to the Red Flag Fighting Group of the Middle School Affiliated to Peking University the big-character posters explaining why the reactionaries rebelled, and Comrade Peng Xiaomeng gave a very good revolutionary speech on behalf of the Red Flag Fighting Group at the staff meeting of all teachers and students of Peking University on July 25. express warm support. Here, I want to say that my revolutionary comrades and I have the same attitude. No matter in Beijing or in the whole country, we will give our warm support to all those who adopt the same revolutionary attitude as you in the Cultural Revolution movement. Also, we support you, and we ask you to pay attention to uniting all those who can be united. For those who have made serious mistakes, after pointing out their mistakes, they should also be given a way out to work and correct their mistakes and start a new life. Marx said that the proletariat must emancipate not only itself, but all mankind. Without the emancipation of all mankind, the proletariat itself cannot be finally emancipated. Comrades, please pay attention to this principle.
Mao Zedong
August 1, 1966
So far, the struggle between the children of cadres, which started in the summer and autumn of 1964, successively with the children of Gaozhi, the school party branch, and the working group, has temporarily come to an end with the complete victory of the children of cadres. Later, at the end of 1966, the children of cadres suffered heavy losses in the struggle with the Central Cultural Revolution Leading Group. This is something.
Due to the open and covert struggle between the children of cadres and the children of high-level intellectuals that began in 1964, the contradictions continued to intensify. On August 26, 1966, a vicious incident occurred in the middle school attached to Tsinghua University where children of cadres and children of workers and peasants beat the children of high-level intellectuals. This phenomenon is rare in other middle schools in Beijing. That day, many students from bad backgrounds were beaten in the classroom. Zheng Guangzhao, who was from a bad background, was almost beaten to death by his classmates.
This kind of conflict between the children of cadres and the children of high-level intellectuals continued until 1969, when the students went to the mountains and went to the countryside and went their separate ways.
In 2012, Li Weidong, a doctoral candidate in the Department of Sociology of Peking University, completed his doctoral thesis "Tsinghua High School Senior Class 631 (1963~1968)". Li Weidong interviewed most of the students in Class 631. According to Li Weidong's account, half a century later, the mutual resentment between the two factions has not dissipated, and some students refused to meet with students from the other faction. This kind of situation was rare among middle school students at that time, and it may belong to a special phenomenon in the high school attached to Tsinghua University.
4. When did the Cultural Revolution begin?
When did the Cultural Revolution begin? There are multiple answers to this question. Include at least the following different views:
1. Since 1944. In this year, Guo Moruo wrote "Jiashen Three Hundred Years Ceremony", Mao Zedong wrote to express his gratitude to Guo Moruo, and recommended this article to the whole party. Although the Anti-Japanese War had not yet been won at that time, Mao Zedong called on the whole party to read "Jiashen Three Hundred Years Ceremony" written by Guo Moruo (published in "Xinhua Daily" on March 19, 1944, the 300th anniversary of Chongzhen's hanging Meishan) . After "Xinhua Daily" was published, Mao Zedong immediately instructed Yan'an "Liberation Daily" to reprint it, and printed a separate edition. Twenty days after Guo Wen was published, on April 12, 1944, Mao said at the senior cadre meeting: "Recently we have printed Guo Moruo's article on Li Zicheng, so that comrades can learn from it and don't make the mistake of being proud of victory." . On November 21, 1944, Mao Zedong said in a letter to Guo Moruo: "Your "Jiashen Three Hundred Years Ceremony", we treat it as a rectification document. Small victories are proud, and big victories are even more proud. Time and time again It’s a disadvantage. How to avoid this kind of problem is really worth noting... Your historical theories and historical dramas are of great benefit to the Chinese people. You don’t think too much, and your energy will never be wasted. I hope you will continue to work hard.” Actual In fact, Guo wrote this article not out of his own creativity, but because of the invitation of Qiao Guanhua, who was working in the "Xinhua Daily" at the time.
2. The rectification movement began in 1957. The so-called "rectification style" refers to "rectifying the party's style of work" and is to overcome bureaucratism, subjectivism and sectarianism within the party. The spearhead of the rectification movement is directed inward. An important reason for the rectification movement was the criticism of Stalin at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956. According to Li Shenzhi's recollection, in April 1957, Mao Zedong told Hu Qiaomu, Wu Lengxi, etc. that the darkness of Stalin's rule was no less than that of any most brutal rule in history. If the socialist system continues like this, it will not last forever. Hu Qiaomu said: "Chairman Mao has been thinking day and night recently, trying to make socialism last forever." Regarding this point, we can get confirmation from Deng Xiaoping's later conversations. On August 18, 1980, Deng said at the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee: "Stalin severely damaged the socialist legal system. Comrade Mao Zedong said that such incidents could not happen in Western countries such as Britain, France, and the United States." Obviously. Mao Zedong launched the "rectification movement" out of the consideration that the Communist Party's cause would last forever, and to prevent the Communist Party's rule from evolving into a Stalin-style dark and brutal rule. Originally, the spearhead was pointed at the "rectification movement" of the Communist Party itself, but later, because the situation got out of control, it had no choice but to switch from "rectification movement" to "anti-rightist movement".
3. The "Four Cleanups" began in 1963. The so-called "Four Cleans" are "politics, economy, organization, and thought". This is a movement with the main purpose of opposing revisionism, preventing revisionism, and preventing peaceful evolution. The spearhead of the "Four Cleans Movement" has already pointed to the degenerate leading cadres within the party.
4. The "516 Notice" that began in 1966. In the "516 Notice", it is more clearly stated: "The representatives of the bourgeoisie who have sneaked into the party, the government, the army, and various cultural circles are a group of counter-revolutionary revisionists. Once the time is right, they will To seize power, from the dictatorship of the proletariat to the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie... People like Khrushchev are sleeping beside us."
5. Beginning on June 1, 1966, China Central Radio broadcasted Nie Yuanzi's big-character poster of Peking University. Prior to this, the movement was mainly a top-down, organized, and controllable "Great Criticism." Since the broadcast of Nie Yuanzi's big-character posters, a spontaneous, bottom-up mass movement began to emerge, and a real "Great Criticism" began to form. mass movement".
The above five viewpoints all have some truth. I personally agree with the second view: the "rectification movement" began in 1957. During the "rectification movement" in 1957, Mao Zedong had initially formed his own idea of "continuing the revolution". The "Cultural Revolution" is an integral part of the "Continued Revolution", the most important part, and also its climax.
The historical facts of the "rebellion" of some high school students in Beijing from 1964 to 1966 and the "rebellion" of some teachers at Peking University from 1964 to 1966 do not support the view that the Cultural Revolution began in 1966, and can be regarded as before the climax of the Cultural Revolution. A preparatory movement for . But the original "overture" can be traced back to the "rectification movement" in 1957.
5. Mao Zedong's "two-front warfare"
6. Is Mao Zedong "worried"? ...
7. Are the students "ordered to rebel"?
Middle school students from 1964 to 1966 were a group of middle school students formed in a special era. Their thinking was influenced by several aspects:
1. The Sino-Soviet debate;
2. Conversations between Mao Zedong, Mao Yuanxin and Wang Hairong;
3. Discussion on "Northern Country Jiangnan" and "Early Spring and February";
4. "Four Clean-ups" and "Socialist Education Movement";
5. The movement to study Chairman Mao's works started in 1963;
6. Discussion on the new historical drama "Hai Rui Dismissed from Office";
7. Discussion on "Three Family Village".
Regarding the rebellion during the Cultural Revolution, there is a saying that "rebellion under orders". There is some truth to this statement. The seven factors listed above that affect the development of middle school students' thinking can all be regarded as "commands". However, I think this statement is not only simplistic, but far-fetched.
From 1964 to 1966, middle school students in Beijing's No. 6 Middle School, No. 4 Middle School, and the High School Attached to Tsinghua University "rebelled", all pointing their finger at the school's party branch. In 1957, many people were labeled as "rightists" just for giving opinions to the grassroots party organizations and dissatisfied with some practices of the grassroots party organizations. Not only did they suffer a lot, but they also affected their families and children. The painful lesson is not far away. When these middle school students challenged the grassroots party organizations, most of their parents and teachers issued warnings to them, and the grassroots party organizations that were attacked also reminded them, even threatening them. However, they did not flinch, and they still targeted the school party branch. Why? This is a question worthy of serious consideration and argument. In this kind of thinking and argumentation, we may be able to gradually move towards the real Cultural Revolution, gradually understand Mao Zedong’s consideration of resolutely launching the Cultural Revolution, and gradually understand Mao Zedong’s difficult situation of "two-way warfare" after the founding of the People's Republic of China.
I myself started the first grade of junior high school in 1963, and was a third grade student in 1966. However, I had carefully read almost every article in the "Nine Commentaries" and paid close attention to the Sino-Soviet debate. Around 1960, due to the Sino-Soviet debate, the novel "The Ershov Brothers" by the former Soviet writer Kochetov once made "Luoyang paper expensive", and intellectuals rushed to read it. It can be said that the main idea of this book coincides with Mao Zedong's "Continued Revolution" theory. Long before I entered junior high school in 1963, as early as my senior year of elementary school, I had read The Ershov Brothers. ...Later, when I went to the countryside to jump in the queue, I re-read this book seriously on the grassland.
Beginning in 1964, although there were differences in time and degree, generally speaking, the children of cadres and the children of high-level intellectuals accepted Mao Zedong's theory of "continuing the revolution." This theory is concentrated in the "516 Notice": "The ideological struggle against the bourgeoisie is a long-term class struggle... We will continue to carry out a long-term struggle against the ideology of the bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie... mixed Representatives of the bourgeoisie in the party, government, army, and various cultural circles are a group of counter-revolutionary revisionists. Once the time is right, they will seize power and change from the dictatorship of the proletariat to the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Some of these characters have been seen through by us, some have not yet been seen through, and some are being trusted by us and are being trained as our successors, such as figures like Khrushchev, who are now sleeping beside us. "
I set off from Tiananmen Square on November 16, 1967, and jumped in line to settle in the Eringaobi Brigade of Eringaobi Commune, East Ujimqin Banner, Xilin Gol League, Inner Mongolia, which is located on the Sino-Mongolian border. So far, in my diary, I still keep the parting gift given to me by my third sister Xie Xiaoling before I left Beijing. When I set off from Tiananmen Square, my brothers and sisters all came to see me off. I was about to go to the depths of the grassland at minus 30 degrees, but I was only wearing a thin, worn-out little padded jacket. For decades, whenever my third sister Xie Xiaoling mentioned the scene of seeing me off, her eyes would turn red. At that time, my father had already been repatriated to Zigong, Sichuan as a counter-revolutionary, and my mother followed my father to Zigong without hesitation. In the stormy sea, the two of them could not protect themselves. Although I am concerned about the children who are staying in Beijing, there is nothing I can do. The few of us brothers and sisters in Beijing are poor and barely make ends meet. Parting, there is no gift to give, so the third sister wrote a "parting message" in my diary as a gift for me to travel far. At that time, she was a 17-year-old third-year student in the Second High School Attached to Beijing Normal University. In this parting message, she wrote:
Comrade Xie Xiaoqing:
We should understand: "Where is China going?!" How meaningful it is.
Remember: this is the general direction that we must not be vague for a moment.
We should understand: the only way to follow history is unswerving action, not just impassioned "speak".
Remember: Revolution is not easy.
We should understand: we want to be a small common people, an ordinary farm worker, and at the same time, we also want to be an upright revolutionary—a conscious proletarian revolutionary fighter.
Remember: Hengmei coldly pointed fingers at thousands of husbands, and bowed his head willingly as a willing ox.
We should understand: we are not only a screw that will never rust, but also a locomotive that is running fast, consciously rushing to the most difficult place in the revolutionary cause-the unshirkable responsibility.
Remember: we are always going to move forward.
We should know: look at society scientifically, look at nature, look at everything. Dare to face up to reality, dare to be unconventional, dare to despise everything that is old, and dare to break through the net of all old habits. Not afraid of wrestling, not afraid of hitting a wall, not afraid of setbacks...
Remember: a real warrior dares to face the bleak life and face the dripping blood.
We should know: like Chairman Mao, "determined to study until you die", "learn every day you live", always be modest and prudent, guard against arrogance and impetuosity.
Remember: the power of example is endless.
We should deeply understand: We are the youth of New China in the Mao Zedong era. Where we go, what kind of people we are, and how we live are closely related to the destiny of mankind.
Remember: the hope is in us.
When you are about to go to society and embark on a new journey, what should you do? ! ...
Society is extremely complicated, we must be brave, we must be alert, we must study hard, we must sweat and shed blood... In short, we must work hard and be scientific.
Go bravely to the society! The future is bright and brilliant. Don't worry, don't neglect, take the first step bravely, it is a great victory! Of course, this first step is far from proving that you have learned to walk.
Aspiring and ambitious Chinese youth, we must always go against the current, we must always move forward against the wind! Our consistent goal:
Fight for the cause of Mao Zedong! struggle! Fight for life!
Comrade: Xie Xiaoling
October 22, 1967
From this "Farewell Message", we can see what a 17-year-old third-year student was thinking at that time. Her focus is not on her own personal destiny, but on "the future of the country", "the destiny of mankind" and "the well-being of the people". Although she is the daughter of the most "black" category of "counter-revolutionaries" among the "five black categories", she expects of herself and her family to be an "indomitable revolutionary" and a "speeding locomotive". In fact, she was already fully prepared for the hardships of life in the future and the twists and turns of her life. In the winter of 1966, she and her friends set out on foot from Beijing, passing through Hebei, Shanxi, and Shaanxi, and walked to Yan'an. Along the way, she already had a certain understanding of the poverty situation in rural China and the bottom of China at that time.
Not long after I left Beijing, my eldest sister Xie Xiaoyu was arrested and imprisoned for "opposing Lin Biao". She was a senior high school student at the High School Attached to Beijing Institute of Geology. She just wrote down her doubts about Lin Biao in her diary, which was reported by her best friend.
Coincidentally, in 1968, Jiang Rong (author of "Wolf Totem"), Liu Xiaobu and Min Qi, who went to the countryside with me to the east neighbor of my commune, Mandu Baolige Ranch, also began to discuss and correspond in private It is suspected that Lin Biao is a careerist. Their discussions were reported. "Opposing Lin Biao" became one of the charges for which they were criticized and arrested later.
From the memories of many people, and from the documents, diaries, correspondence, and reading notes of that time that are still preserved today, it can be seen that middle school students at that time had high political enthusiasm, a sense of mission, and a sense of responsibility. Political consciousness and independent thinking are really different from those of middle school students before and after. What this group of middle school students did can hardly be simply described as "ordered rebellion."
山雨欲来风满楼——1964~1966年的北京中学
从1964年秋天开始，清华大学附中两派学生之间的冲突就开始浮上水面。从那时开始，两派缠斗了四、五年，直到1969年离开学校，走向社会，各奔东西。清华附中当时的高三学生郑光召（郑义，小说《老井》作者）回忆了这样的两个场景：
在八达岭长城上，我们班两位个人关系甚好却分为两派的同学要分手了。袁东平（当时济南军区政委袁升平之子）环视着辽阔壮美的一派北国风光，爽朗地说：“将来，你们就替我们来建设这个国家吧！”绰号为“老羊”的宋海泉（修正主义苗子、反动学生之一）不解地瞥他一眼。袁东平气派大方地拍拍老同学的肩，把话说得更加明确：“中间派没什么大出息，你们井冈山的行，但你们一般出身于知识分子和平民家庭，你们距离权力太远。而我们‘老兵’离权力很近，我们和权力有天然的联系。所以只能是这样了：由我们来掌权，你们来给我们好好建设！……别不服气，老羊，不信再过20年看看！”
在我们班教室里，红卫兵创始人之一的张明特地找到我，极为正式地发表临别赠言，这可能是自（1966年）“红八月”之后我们之间的唯一交谈：“你们是地富反坏资产阶级，我们是工农革干。20年后见！”然后坚定不移地走出教室。
——郑义〈清华附中、红卫兵与我〉
一、北京六中的“夺权”斗争
（1）发展团员违背阶级路线。对于革命干部子弟申请入团要求甚苛，有些人只因某些小的缺点就不能入团，或者拖延很长时间才得到批准。对于某些家庭出身不好的学生，校团委却主动提出要发展。一些家庭出身不好，表现又很差的团员，长期不处理。
（2）高三（1）班一位团员张XX，出身资本家，本人在思想政治上和纪律上存在许多问题。高三（1）班团支部讨论通过开除他的团籍，并得到一位党员副校长支持，但共青团西城区委组织部、学校党支部正副书记、校团委书记都反对。
（3）关于“好学生”的标准有问题。在许多教师的眼里，功课好，守规矩，听话，讲礼貌，不提意见，就是好学生。而这样的学生，有许多是家庭出身不好，政治思想不上进，甚至很落后。相反，一些政治上进，敢提意见，敢表示不同看法的同学，只是功课差一些，有时不太守规矩，有时不太讲礼貌，老师就不喜欢这些学生，就认为他们不是“好学生”。
（4）有些学生反映领导干部互不信任。党支部书记、团委书记和一位党员副校长之间互不信任。
与此同时，高二（4）班的干部子弟和工人子弟自发组织了以“出身”划线的活动小组。
1964年6月，国务院文教办公室教育组的工作人员到六中就有关学生的政治思想教育和共青团的工作等问题进行调查研究。7月1日，写出〈北京市第六中学政治思想教育和团的工作情况调查〉，指出了六中工作中存在的一些问题。不久在中共中央宣传部主办的《宣教动态》发表了这份调查报告，并由共青团中央转发给各省、市、自治区团委。中共中央宣传部于1964年7月24日对这份调查报告做出批示，指出青年团如果这样发展下去，就很危险，将来会是地富反坏的后代接我们的班。小赫鲁晓夫已经有了，正在夺取团的基层领导，对此不可熟视无睹，否则，阶级斗争就成了空话。
8月29日，北京六中党支部书记找国务院文教办公室教育组成员谈话，除对一些问题进行解释外，基本上否定调查材料中提出的问题；并批评中宣部：“只听汇报或看材料就把六中的问题在全国通报，这样做不是实事求是。”
此后，北京团市委、北京市委、国务院文教办公室、教育部、团中央、西城区委、西城团区委等单位先后组织了两个调查组对六中进行了两轮调查。两轮调查都写出了《调查报告》。两份报告都指出六中工作中确实存在很大问题，但没有将六中党支部完全否定。
与此同时，学生也分为两派，开始了激烈的辩论。争论的一方是干部子弟，他们认为六中党支部和校团委在阶级路线问题上犯了错误，没有解决好“依靠谁？团结谁？”的问题。另一方是其他家庭出身的学生，认为六中团委较好地贯彻了党的阶级路线，做到了有成分但不唯成分，重在表现。
10月28日，康生看到调查报告以后，给予严厉批评，批示：“联合调查组10月26日简报，揭露了许多严重的事实，证明团市委及XXX（六中党支部书记）等人的话是假的。但调查组对那些严重问题的看法，只是用几个‘不够’来估计学校的领导，事实与对该校领导的估计相矛盾，这是为什么呢？是认识糊涂，还是思想上有顾虑？”
团中央书记处讨论了康生的批示，并表示同意康生的批评。
从10月到11月，北京市委，北京团市委又对六中进行了一轮深入的蹲点调查，写出了《六中情况（之一至之七）》。
1964年11月18日，以团中央书记处书记带队，由团中央、国务院文教办公室教育组、教育部等单位组成的工作队正式进驻六中。工作组进校后，就发动师生，揭阶级斗争的盖子。1964年12月28~30日连续召开三次师生大会，系统地揭发批判所谓由党支部正副书记组成的“反党集团”的错误，“剥开了XX集团的画皮”。1965年4月7日，“夺权斗争”暂告段落，六中党支部书记、副书记和团委书记，都被定性为“党内走资本主义道路的当权派”。
二、北京四中学生向中央写信
1964年12月20日，北京四中的杨东胜（杨成武子）、宋扬之（父亲宋之光是外交部西欧司副司长）、苏承德（苏振华子）、钱乐军、李安东、宋克荒（宋任穷子）等六名高干子弟。向中央写信，状告四中校领导。一份通过中宣部部长陆定一的儿子陆健健（后改名陆健）交给中宣部长陆定一，另一份通过中央书记处书记、北京市委第一书记彭真的儿子傅洋交给彭真。
这封信的主要内容包括：
1. 以教导主任屈大同、副校长刘铁岭为首的本校入党留校生形成了一个把持学校领导的实力派。包括团委书记、政治教研组长、行政负责人、高二班主任等。这些人出身均不好。一切事情由他们决定，由他们说了算。排斥出身比较好的党员干部，重用出身不好的教师。
2. 在学生中不贯彻党的阶级路线。学生会的干部出身都不好。一些人对李新桅（李井泉儿子）进行百般人格侮辱（李说过，“我要是执政，先杀你们这样的团员。”）。在发展团员问题上，发展了大批出身很不好的同学入团。而肖云（肖华儿子）入团志愿书填好了二年才被讨论。
3. 在学生中存在不少反动思想，但学校对此不闻不问，大加掩饰。但对出身比较好的同学却采取高压政策。
4. 一些老师问题严重。如扶植资产阶级子女担任班长、学生干部。党支部不让搞阶级斗争，还决定：不许大鸣大放，不许贴大字报。
中宣部于12月25日在中宣部《宣教动态》114期上刊登了此信。12月28日，以北京教工委书记张文松和北京教育局局长李晨带队的工作组就进驻四中。后来，李晨在2001年正式发表的《北京中小学教育若干问题的回顾》一书中说：“1964年12月20日，北京四中杨某某等六名学生写信给中宣部部长陆定一，揭露北京四中当权实力派排斥出身比较好的党员干部，在学生中不贯彻党的阶级路线等一些严重问题。21日，陆定一将此信批给了中共北京市委彭真、万里……此时在四中高中学生中，正酝酿着罢课、罢考、夺权和对一些学生教师进行批斗，有的教师学生已被批斗。在这种革命的形势下，中共北京市委匆忙组成以中共北京市委教育部部长张文松、北京市教育局局长李晨为领队的社会主义教育工作队，于1964年12月28号进驻四中。”工作组中还包括汪家缪、侯维城、杨滨、刘岩等。
工作组进校之前，中共北京市委第一书记彭真指示工作组，进驻的基本态度是，不带框框，不定调子，实事求是，有什么问题解决什么问题；运动、教学两不误。
北京市副市长万里曾经两次直接介入四中的“社教”。1964年12月底，万里在北京市委大楼接见了四中的几十个高干子弟。接见时，万里在会上批评他们是“娃娃瞎胡闹”，“不要党的领导，搞非组织活动。”针对他们所反映四中领导培养学生走白专道路，万里说：“你们说红二分比白五分好，我看还是白五分好。”万里指着苏承德说：“你现在应好好学习，我会找你爸爸谈谈。”
1965年1月14日，万里召集四中、六中、八中、师大女附中、女一中、女三中等六所中学的高干子弟“训话”，同时让六个学校的校长、党总支书记、团委书记参加。万里在会上讲了三个钟头，对几个中学的学生运动大泼冷水。万里批评高干子弟“自高自大、自以为是、自由散漫、自由主义，不听党的话。”他強调：“这个运动必须党来领导……没有党的领导还不是洪秀全、李自成？”他说：“学生的主要任务是学习，学校要有正常秩序，不能乱来。”
1965年8月4日，工作队进驻四中七个月之后，李晨在四中党支部的讲话指出：“四中没烂，成绩是主要的，是走社会主义道路的”。8月10日，工作队向中共北京市委写出《北京四中四清运动的报告》。《报告》提出：四中是沿着社会主义道路前进的，学校领导干部是努力执行党的教育方针的，成绩是主要的。但是，缺点错误还是比较严重的。主要问题是：（1）政治思想工作比较薄弱；（2）放松了对教学工作的领导；（3）工作中没有很好贯彻执行党对知识分子的团结、教育、改造的政策；（4）党不管党的现象比较严重，党内教育很差。
在四中的社教运动前后有几个典型的事情：
1. 李新桅是高三（2）班的学生，表现一般，有时被同学嘲笑，有同学摸他的头，开他的玩笑。他一直没有入团。高三其他几个班的团支部召开联合支部大会，跨班级将李新桅发展为团员。之后，再由两班团支部补办手续，予以追认。
2. 开展“夺权”。1964年，高三有三个班，突然撤换了原来不属于干部子弟的班长和团支书，由干部子弟取代，进行了一次“小政变”。
3. 学生斗学生。在工作组的组织下，将高三（4）班的毕向明定为“反动学生”，展开批斗，甚至进行“逼供信”，最后取消了其参加高考资格，送到团河农场进行劳教。此外，高三（4）班的鲁生卫，高二（2）班的牟志京，高二（5）班的周孝正，都曾经被作为“资产阶级倾向的典型”，在自己的班上受到同学的围攻和批判。
无独有偶，1964年11月在清华附中也出现了一场关于“阶级路线”的大讨论，一些学生为此给校领导贴了大字报。事情的起因是在食堂打饭时一名干部子弟（熊向晖的儿子熊钢）与一名非干部子弟发生了口角，动了手。学校领导及时处理了此事，但一些非干部子弟不满意学校的处理，认为学校偏袒干部子弟，处理不公。此事虽然最终被校领导强力压了下去，但也在干部子弟和非干部子弟之间留下了深深的伤疤，矛盾时起时伏，冲突一度非常激烈。这种冲突，一直延续到1969年大家各自走向社会。
清华附中是1960年才建立的新学校。虽然是新学校，但在教育改革方面却雄心勃勃。在清华大学校长蒋南翔的教育思想的指导下，在青年教育家万邦儒的努力下，建校几年，就已经跻身北京市的顶尖学校。清华附中的办学思路非常明确，非常清晰，就是要培养社会主义建设的拔尖人才，栋梁人才，尤其是理工科方面的杰出人才。到1964年，清华附中已经聚集了一批同龄人中的佼佼者。其中，工农子弟很少，主要来自两大类家庭，一类是干部子弟，一类是高级知识分子子弟。于是，这两拨精英人才之间，发生了激烈的竞争、摩擦和冲突。
于是，以万邦儒校长为首的校领导，就面临了非常棘手的两难困局：一方面，要贯彻“阶级路线”，保持“接班人”的“红色基因”，对干部子弟予以适当照顾；另一反面，又要保护和扶持知识分子子弟中的优秀学生，为他们创造更好的成长环境。或者说，“贯彻阶级路线”与“培养优秀科技人才”这两个目标之间，存在一些矛盾。校领导的处境确实非常尴尬。
1966年6月以前，两派之间的对抗的主要战场是发展团员。干部子弟强调发展团员要看“出身”，而高知子弟则强调发展团员要看“表现”。一些出身好但表现不够好的同学，在入团时会受到高知子弟的阻击。有时，团员发展大会上出现了激烈的对抗，最后只好进行票决。例如，高631班的干部子弟王铭（后来是红卫兵的主要发起人之一）的入团，就曾面临两派激烈的较量。
清华附中的两派斗争非常具有特殊性，戏剧性。两派在当时的分野，并不是左右。1964年，中央组织了对电影《北国江南》和《早春二月》的批判，批判的主要观点是这些电影宣扬“人性论”，用“人性论”取代或冲淡压迫阶级与被压迫阶级之间的阶级斗争。围绕对这两部电影的评论，干部子弟与高知子弟展开的一场大辩论。有意思的是，干部子弟站在了为“人性论”辩护的一方，而高知子弟则站在了批判“人性论”的一方。这场辩论的结果是加深了两派之间的隔阂。
1964年11月，教育部在教育系统内部转发了《毛主席与毛远新谈话纪要》，清华大学向干部传达了这个谈话纪要，清华附中党支部向部分干部子弟传达了这个谈话纪要。1965年，干部子弟们又从不同渠道获得了1965年毛泽东与王海蓉关于教育的谈话内容。毛泽东的这两个谈话，激发了干部子弟对附中党支部的不满。
1966年春，干部子弟首先开始了跨班级之间的串联，初步形成以干部子弟为主的“小团体”。清华附中紧靠当时尚非常荒凉的圆明园。于是，圆明园成为这些干部子弟进行串联、交换信息、交流思想的场所。
这个干部子弟为主的非正式小团体的矛头指向了以万邦儒为首的学校党支部，认为校党支部没有贯彻党的阶级路线，没有将“又红又专”作为培养目标，而是格外偏爱青睐那些出身不好的“白专”学生，偏离了党的教育路线。
一个标志性事件之一是1965年10月28日，预651班学生骆小海在板报栏里贴出了一张题为〈造反精神万岁〉的小字报。其中写道：“造反，造旧事物的反，是历史的伟大动力。……拿我们学生来说，什么教育制度，学习方法，纪律规章，天地六合，都藏有旧的东西，对待它们，只有一种精神：造反！……鉴于目前教学纪律对学习束缚之甚，大有造反的必要。这边革命分子一喊‘造反喽！’，那边保皇分子慌忙打出和平旗帜，大喊‘遵守正常秩序’。……和尚的偶像很多……保皇‘同志’的偶像比和尚还多，什么‘书本’呀，什么‘学校的规定’呀。”
标志性事件之二是1966年5月10日，骆小海写了一篇批判附中校领导的文章，标题是〈从我校对文化大革命的态度看我校是如何对待毛泽东思想的〉。文章指责学校不把毛主席的书作为最高指示，而是把清华大学怎么说的，《北京日报》、《前线》杂志怎么说的，作为最高指示。
标志性事件之三是，1966年5月20日，王铭、张晓宾写了〈清华大学附属中学党支部的资产阶级办学方向应当彻底批判〉一文。这比聂元梓等人5月25日贴出的“全国第一张马列主义大字报”，还早五天。
最终，在1966年5月底，正式成立了后来闻名世界的组织“红卫兵”。“红卫兵”（一说是“红卫士”）最初是预651班张承志个人写大字报使用的笔名。在“红卫兵”组织成立以后，就成为该组织写大字报共用的署名。
具有戏剧性的是，这时，高知子弟则站在了维护保卫学校党支部的立场上，为党支部辩护。从1966年5月底到6月8日工作队进校支持干部子弟为主的“红卫兵”的大约十天中，干部子弟“造反派”与高知子弟“保皇派”进行了激烈的对抗。6月8日，约三百名四中、十三中、人大附中等学校的干部子弟骑自行车到位于郊区的清华附中声援清华“红卫兵”，被附中校领导关闭大门挡在校外整整十个小时，双方对峙了十个小时。附中校领导已经调动了清华大学校卫队、海淀分局便衣队，做好了武力驱赶的准备。结果，当晚工作队进校，明确表示支持红卫兵，外校声援的干部子弟最终被放进了附中校园。
清华大学附属中学红卫兵同志们：
至此，始于1964年夏秋的干部子弟先后与高知子弟，与校党支部，与工作组之间的斗争，以干部子弟的完胜而暂告一个段落。后来在1966年底，干部子弟在与中央文革领导小组的斗争中，遭受重创。这是后话。
由于始于1964年的干部子弟与高知子弟之间的明争暗斗，矛盾不断激化，1966年8月26日，在清华附中出现了同一个班的干部子弟和工农子弟殴打高知子弟的恶性事件。这种现象，在北京的其他中学并不多见。那天，许多出身不好的同学在教室中受到殴打，出身不好的郑光召险些被自己的同班同学打死。
这种干部子弟与高知子弟之间的冲突，一直延伸到1969年同学们上山下乡、各奔东西为止。
2012年，北京大学社会学系博士研究生李伟东完成了自己的博士论文《清华附中高631班（1963~1968）》。李伟东采访了631班的多数同学。根据李伟东的记述，半个世纪之后，两派之间的互相怨恨并未消融，一些同学拒绝与另一派的同学见面。这种情况，在当年的中学生中并不多见，可能属于清华附中的一种特殊现象吧。
四、文革何时开始？
1. 始于1944年。这一年，郭沫若写了〈甲申三百年祭〉，毛泽东写信向郭沫若表示感谢，并向全党推荐这篇文章。虽然当时抗日战争尚未取得胜利，毛泽东就号召全党读郭沫若所写〈甲申三百年祭〉（发表于《新华日报》1944年3月19日，崇祯吊死煤山三百年纪念日）。《新华日报》刊出后，毛泽东立即指示延安《解放日报》转载，并印行了单行本。郭文发表20天后，1944年4月12日，毛就在高级干部会上说：“近日我们印了郭沫若论李自成的文章，也是叫同志们引以为鉴，不要犯胜利时骄傲的错误”。1944年11月21日，毛泽东在给郭沫若的信中说：“你的〈甲申三百年祭〉，我们把它当作整风文件看待。小胜即骄傲，大胜更骄傲，一次又一次吃亏。如何避免这种毛病，实在值得注意……你的史论、史剧有大益于中国人民，只嫌其少，不嫌其多，精神决不会白费的，希望继续努力。”实际上，郭写此文，并不是出于自己的创意，而是缘于当时任职于《新华日报》的乔冠华的约稿。
2. 始于1957年整风运动。所谓“整风”，是“整顿党的作风”，是要克服党内的官僚主义、主观主义和宗派主义。整风的矛头是向内的。整风运动的一个重要动因是1956年苏共20大上对斯大林的批判。根据李慎之回忆，1957年4月，毛泽东对胡乔木、吴冷西等说，斯大林时代统治的黑暗不下于历史上任何最残暴的统治，如果社会主义制度这样下去，是不会千秋万世的。胡乔木说：“毛主席最近日思夜想，就是要设法使社会主义能够千秋万世。”关于这一点，可以从邓小平后来的谈话中得到印证。1980年8月18日，邓在中央政治局扩大会议上说：“斯大林严重破坏社会主义法制，毛泽东同志就说过，这样的事件在英、法、美这样的西方国家不可能发生。”显然，毛泽东发动“整风”，是出于共产党的事业“千秋万世”的考虑，是为了避免共产党的统治演变为斯大林式的黑暗、残暴统治。本来矛头指向共产党自身的“整风”，后来，由于局势失控，不得已从“整风”转向了“反右”。
3. 始于1963年“四清”。所谓“四清”，是“清政治、清经济、清组织、清思想”。这是一场以反修防修、防止和平演变为主旨的运动。“四清运动”的矛头所向，已经指向了蜕化变质的党内领导干部。
4. 始于1966年的《516通知》。在《516通知》中，更明确地提出：“混进党里、政府里、军队里和各种文化界的资产阶级代表人物，是一批反革命的修正主义分子，一旦时机成熟，他们就会要夺取政权，由无产阶级专政变为资产阶级专政……赫鲁晓夫那样的人物，他们现正睡在我们的身旁。”
5. 始于1966年6月1日中央电台广播北大聂元梓大字报。在此之前，运动主要是自上而下的、有组织的、可控的“大批判”，从广播聂元梓大字报开始，自发的、自下而上的群众运动开始兴起，开始形成真正的“群众运动”。
以上五种看法，都有一定道理。我本人则赞成第二种看法：始于1957年“整风”。在1957年“整风”时，毛泽东已经初步形成了自己“继续革命”的思想。“文化大革命”是“继续革命”的一个组成部分，是最重要的部分，也是其高潮部分。
1964~1966年北京部分高中生“造反”的历史事实，1964~1966年北京大学部分教师“造反”的历史事实，都不支持文革始于1966年的看法，都可以被视为文革高潮到来之前的一个预备乐章。但最初的“序曲”，则可以追溯到1957年的“整风”。
……
六、毛泽东是否“杞人忧天”？
七、学生是否“奉命造反”？
1964~1966年的中学生，是特殊年代中形成的一批中学生，他们的思想受到几个方面的影响：
1. 中苏论战；
2. 毛泽东与毛远新、王海蓉的谈话；
3. 关于《北国江南》《早春二月》的讨论；
4.“四清”和“社会主义教育运动”；
5. 1963年开始的学习毛主席著作运动；
6. 关于新编历史剧《海瑞罢官》的讨论；
7. 关于“三家村”的讨论。
关于文革的造反行为，一种说法是“奉命造反”。这种说法，有一定道理。上面所列对中学生思想发展产生影响的七个因素，都可以被视为“命令”。但是，我认为这种说法不仅简单，而且牵强。
1964~1966年北京六中、四中、清华附中的中学生“造反”，矛头都指向了学校的党支部。1957年，许多人仅仅是给基层党组织提意见，仅仅是对基层党组织的一些做法不满，就被打成了“右派”，不仅自己受尽苦头，而且连累了自己的家人、子女。惨痛的教训殷鉴不远。在这些中学生挑战基层党组织的时候，他们的家长、老师大多都向他们发出了警告，受到攻击的基层党组织也提醒了他们，甚至带有威胁的意味。但是，他们并没有退缩，他们仍然把自己进攻的目标锁定学校党支部。为什么？这是一个值得认真思考和论证的问题。在这种思考和论证中，我们或许可以逐渐走向真实的文革，逐渐理解毛泽东毅然发动文革的考虑，逐渐理解毛泽东在建国以后“双向作战”的困难处境。
我本人1963年开始读初一，1966年时是一名初三的学生。但是，我当时曾经认真地读过“九评”的几乎每一篇文章，对中苏辩论高度关注。大约1960年，由于中苏论战，前苏联作家柯切托夫的小说《叶尔绍夫兄弟》曾经使“洛阳纸贵”，知识分子竞相阅读。可以说，此书的主要思想与毛泽东的“继续革命”理论不谋而合。早在1963年我进入初中之前，早在我小学高年级，就读过《叶尔绍夫兄弟》。……后来，下乡插队期间，我在草原上又曾经认真地重读此书。
从1964年开始，虽然时间上有先后，程度上有深浅，但总体讲，干部子弟和高知子弟都接受了毛泽东的“继续革命”理论。这一理论集中地体现在《516通知》中：“同资产阶级在意识形态上的斗争，是长期的阶级斗争……我们同资产阶级和小资产阶级的思想还要进行长期的斗争……混进党里、政府里、军队里和各种文化界的资产阶级代表人物，是一批反革命的修正主义分子，一旦时机成熟，他们就会要夺取政权，由无产阶级专政变为资产阶级专政。这些人物，有些已被我们识破了，有些则还没有被识破，有些正在受到我们信用，被培养为我们的接班人，例如赫鲁晓夫那样的人物，他们现正睡在我们的身旁。”
谢小庆同志：
我们应该懂得：“中国向何处去？！”是怎样的意味深长。
记住：这是我们不可有片刻含糊的大方向。
我们应该懂得：走历史的必由之路是坚定不移的行动，而不仅是慷慨激昂的“檄言”。
记住：革命是件不容易的事。
我们应该懂得：我们要做一个小小的老百姓，一个普通的农工，同时我们也要做一个顶天立地的革命家——自觉的无产阶级革命战士。
记住：横眉冷对千夫指，俯首甘为孺子牛。
我们应该懂得：我们不但是一颗永不生锈的螺丝钉，更是一个飞奔疾驶的火车头，自觉地奔向革命事业最艰苦的地方——义不容辞的责任。
记住：我们总要拼命向前。
我们应该懂得：科学的看待社会，看待自然，看待一切。敢于正视现实，敢于标新立异，敢于藐视旧的一切，敢于冲破一切旧习惯势力的罗网。不怕摔跤，不怕碰壁，不怕挫折……
记住：真的猛士，敢于直面惨淡的人生，敢于正视淋漓的鲜血。
我们应该懂得：像毛主席那样“决心学习，至死方休”，“活一天就学一天”，永远谦虚谨慎，戒骄戒躁。
记住：榜样的力量是无穷的。
我们应该深深的懂得：我们是毛泽东时代新中国的青年。我们走什么路，做什么人，是怎样的和人类的命运紧紧相连。
记住：希望寄托在我们身上。
社会是极其复杂的，我们不能不勇猛，不能不机警，不能不刻苦勤学，不能不流汗洒血……总之，不能不拼命，也不能不科学。
勇敢的走向社会吧！前途是灿烂辉煌的。不用顾虑，不用怠慢，勇敢的迈出第一步，就是伟大的胜利！当然，这第一步还远不能证明你就学会走路了。
有志气、有抱负的中国青年啊，我们总要逆流而上，我们总要顶风向前！我们始终如一的目标：
为毛泽东事业而奋斗！奋斗！奋斗终生！
同志：谢小玲
1967年10月22日
从这篇“临别赠言”中，可以看出那时一个17岁的初三学生的所思所想。她的关注点不是自己的个人命运，而是“国家前途”、“人类命运”和“人民福祉”。她虽然是一个“黑五类”中最“黑”一类“反革命分子”的女儿，但她对自己和自己家人的期许是“顶天立地的革命家”，是“飞奔疾驰的火车头”。实际上，她当时对未来生活的艰苦和人生道路的曲折已经具有较充分的思想准备。她1966年冬天曾经与自己的朋友们一道，从北京徒步出发，途径河北、山西、陕西，步行走到延安。沿途，她已经对当时中国农村和中国底层的贫穷状况，有了一定的了解。
在我离开北京不久，我的大姐谢小鱼就因为“反对林彪”而被捕入狱。她当时是北京地质学院附中的高三学生。她只是在自己的日记本中写下了自己对林彪的疑问，被她的闺蜜举报。
无独有偶，1968年，与我一道下乡到我所在公社的东邻满都宝力格牧场的姜戎（《狼图腾》作者）、刘小布和闵琦，也开始在私下的讨论和通信中怀疑林彪是一个野心家。他们的讨论被人举报。“反对林彪”成为他们后来被批斗、被逮捕的罪名之一。
从许多人的回忆中，从今天尚保存着的那时的文献、日记、通信和读书笔记中，可以看出，那时的中学生具有很高的政治热情，使命感，责任感，具有很高的政治觉悟和独立思考，与之前和之后的中学生确实不可同日而语。这批中学生的所作所为，很难被简单地说成“奉命造反”。
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